The most striking aspect of Iran's presidential election wasn't the fraud, but rather that the fraud was so flagrant. Before the election, polls showed President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Mir Houssein Moussavi, the challenger who called for better relations with the West, in a dead heat. Then, right after the voting stations closed, the government announced that the incumbent had pulled two-thirds of the total.
According to official reports, Ahmadinejad won among every demographic in each of Iran's 30 provinces. He even beat Moussavi in Moussavi's hometown.
It was almost as if Ahmadinejad wanted to complete his defiance of the West by showing an utter, unmistakable disdain for the principle of representative government.
But the fraud also showed disdain for the Iranian people themselves, and Moussavi's supporters are reacting in kind. Over the weekend, hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets, chanting "Death to the dictator!" In response, gangs of motorcycle cops started cruising around and bludgeoning people at random. At least seven civilians were killed.
The Iranian establishment didn't expect this sort of political unrest. To buy a respite, the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khameni promised a partial recount, but Moussavi's supporters weren't satisfied. The protests continued throughout the week, now with the support of at least one prominent cleric. The Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri published a letter rebuking the government for "declaring results that nobody in his right mind can believe." He also wrote, "A government that is based on interfering in the vote has no political or religious legitimacy."
Like the grand ayatollah, some Western leaders have also aligned themselves with the protesters. Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France, said that the "extent of the fraud" was "proportional to the violent reaction" against the results, and U.S. Vice President Joe Biden said he has "real doubts" about the integrity of the election.
It's unknown what the future holds for the Islamic Republic of Iran, but America's course is clear. President Barack Obama should (1) forget about trying to talk Iran out of its nuclear ambitions, (2) impose tough economic sanctions as soon as Ahmadinejad regains political control and (3) prepare for the real possibility that the Iranian government will just shrug off those sanctions.
In his victory speech, Ahmadinejad called the debate over Iran's nuclear program "closed forever." Now that Ahmadinejad has secured a second term in office, the question is no longer whether sweet words can help a relatively moderate candidate win election in Iran. The new question is what role America wants to play in the looming confrontation.
Benjamin Netanyahu, the newly elected prime minister of Israel, campaigned on the pledge that he would not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear bomb, and he gives every indication of being deadly serious. Obama has warned Netanyahu not to surprise the United States with a military strike on Iran, but we can expect the Israelis to act when they decide that they can't wait any longer.
Further attempts to defuse the situation through speeches and friendly gestures would just make Obama look weak and naïve.
The nuclear question aside, our relationship with Iran has now taken on a second dimension. It was one thing to extend an open hand to a legitimate Iranian government, no matter how loathsome. It's quite another to extend a hand to a government that is rigging elections, blocking television signals, kicking foreign journalists out of the country, shutting down opposition newspapers and shooting its own citizens just for daring to cry foul.
As long as the Iranians are risking death in order to demand their rights, they deserve every ounce of our moral support. We shouldn't legitimize their oppressor with pleas for negotiation, especially when it's become abundantly clear that negotiation isn't going to resolve this crisis.
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Cole, of Colorado Springs, is a writer, translator and political organizer. Readers can reach him at dancoloradan@yahoo.com.